Wednesday, July 29, 2009

European Imams and Rabbis visit USA for Dialogue


After a tour of the U.S. Capitol, the group will meet with Democratic Reps. Keith Ellison of Minnesota and Andre Carson of Indiana, both Muslims, along with two leaders of the unofficial Congressional Jewish Caucus, Democratic Reps. Jerrold Nadler of New York and Robert Wexler of Florida.
The delegation then attends a dinner hosted by the ISNA at the All Dulles Area Muslim Society, where they will hear from Imam Yahya Hindi of Georgetown University and Rabbi Gerry Serotta, North American chairman of Rabbis for Human Rights.
On Thursday, the group will visit the White House to meet with Joshua Dubois, executive director of the Office of Faith-based and Neighborhood Partnerships. After lunch at the Saudi Embassy, the group flies home.
"The great challenge of the 21st century in inter-religious dialogue is to find the path to narrow the gap between Muslims and Jews worldwide," said Mr. Schneier of FFEU. "The foundation, which I co-founded 20 years ago, is known for our work in black-Jewish relations. We own this issue nationwide."

Note: ISNA is Islamic Society of North America

(Full story in The Washinton Post)
Also visit ynetnews

Tuesday, July 28, 2009

Former German MTV host promotes Islam with new autobiography

Former MTV host Kristiane Backer got to know Islam through an ex-boyfriend, and later converted. Now, over a decade later, she's promoting understanding for the religion in her newly published autobiography.

In 1991, Kristiane Backer had the life thousands of young people dream of: She had been selected among thousands of contenders as the first German VJ for MTV Europe.

Still, she was empty inside. "I am feeling so low," she wrote in her diary.

Then, in August 1992, she fell in love with Pakistan’s most famous cricket player Imran Khan. The relationship ended two years later, but Backer went on to convert to Islam in 1995.

Her story was recently published in a book entitled "From MTV to Mecca, how Islam changed my life."


Disappointment with the entertainment world

In the biography, Backer talks openly about the superficiality of the television and music business - which almost broke her, she says - and about her two failed marriages.

As a convert to Islam, she has been living between two worlds, not feeling fully accepted by either. Having grown up as a Protestant in Hamburg, the 43-year-old Backer now prays five times a day to Allah and follows the Muslim law of abstaining from alcohol. She donates money to the poor and observes the Ramadan fast.

"I would be happy if my book inspired people to discover their spiritual side and to open themselves up," said the former VJ. "On the other hand, I want to help clarify some prejudices against Islam. I want to build bridges and help support the dialogue between different religions and cultures."

Backer met cricketer Imran Khan in London in 1992. He introduced her to the teachings of the Koran. During their nearly two-year relationship, Backer visited Pakistan many times with Khan, who is considered a national legend for leading Pakistan to their first Cricket World Cup win in 1992.

For the German television host, a new world opened up. Even after Khan decided to end their relationship, Backer became a Muslim in 1995 and quit her job at MTV.


Fascination with humanity

"First, your relationship with God in Islam is very close because you pray so many times a day. If you pray five times a day, you are connecting yourself with God every time you pray," said Backer, adding that she couldn't understand some of the Christian doctrines she had grown up with.

"I was also fascinated by the humanity of the people I met, which can be seen all over the Orient."

After her conversion, Backer started wearing long skirts and long sleeves. Her parents, relatives and friends were worried at first, but ultimately accepted her decision.

The German media, however, have not been so kind. Critics have called Backer's book naive, saying she ignores negative sides of Muslim societies. But she argues that a lot of what is happening worldwide in the name of Islam is absolutely "un-islamic."

Backer believes that much of the current Islamophobia in Europe is tied to historical conflicts.

"At the time of Goethe, Oriental literature inspired the Romantic Movement," she said. "It seems that at that time, there was apparently a greater openness and maybe a greater understanding for other religions and cultures."

Backer said she has become more mature and composed over time. She lives as a on her own in London, but has still not lost hope of finding her Mr. Right. Inshallah - if it is God’s will - she said.

Author: Priya Esselborn
Editor: Grahame Lucas/Kate Bowen

BNP's Griffin: Islam is a cancer???

By Cathy Newman

As the BNP struggles for right-wing support in the European Parliament, leader Nick Griffin tells Cathy Newman he believes there is "no place in Europe for Islam". The BNP leader Nick Griffin has described Islam as a “cancer” that should be removed from Europe by "chemotherapy".

In an interview with Channel 4 News, Mr Griffin, who has just been elected to the European Parliament, said there was "no place in Europe for Islam".

He added: "Western values, freedom of speech, democracy and rights for women are incompatible with Islam, which is a cancer eating away at our freedoms and our democracy and rights for our women and something needs to be done about it".

The BNP leader said he agreed with a candidate for the Flemish far right party, Vlaams Belang, who had declared: "We urgently need global chemotherapy against Islam to save civilisation."

The remarks will fuel controversy over the BNP’s success at the European elections last month. The party’s two winning candidates - Nick Griffin and Andrew Brons - take up their seats in the European Parliament next week.

Mr Griffin has been holding talks with other far right parties in Europe such as Vlaams Belang and Jobbik, from Hungary.

The BNP had hoped to team up formally with a range of European rightwingers, giving them access to up to €1m of public money to spend on staff and offices. However, those talks have ended in failure.

The BNP will still work together informally with Jobbik, with both parties saying they share common ground on issues such as law and order.

Jobbik has formed its own militia, the Hungarian Guard, which wears Nazi-style uniform and marches across the country to tackle what it calls “gypsy crime” by Roma travellers.

Mr Griffin told Channel 4 News that he believed Britain had “got a problem with Romanian gypsy crime”. Jobbik’s use of the term has led to accusations that it is seeking to criminalise an entire ethnic group.

The BNP leader said: “There are two sorts of gypsies in Britain. There are the old fully-established anglicised Romanies who have been here for generations and who when they go to an area, when they leave it, it is spotlessly clean and you can not see they have been there. We have got no issue with that.

"And on the other hand there are the travellers - mainly from Ireland - and the Roma gypsy beggars and pickpockets in London. And while the liberal elite may say it is politically incorrect to say so, I would say that they have a very high level of criminality."

One of Jobbik’s MEPs, Krisztina Morvai, has been accused of anti-Semitism after text she wrote on an online forum.

Questioned by Channel 4 News about the remarks, she did not deny writing them, but said she did not want to make any comment. She then terminated the interview.

Although Jobbik still sees the BNP as an ally, Vlaams Belang distanced itself both from Mr Griffin and the call by one of its candidates for "global chemotherapy" against Islam. One of its MEPs said he did not agree with comparing "people to diseases".

(Channel4)

(Channel4 video)

Christian Democrats against new mosque in Brno

Brno, July 27 (CTK) - South Moravian Christian Democrats (KDU-CSL) are against the construction of a second mosque in Brno, Stanislav Juranek, chairman of the regional party organisation, said Monday.

He said the Muslims who want to live in the Czech Republic should adapt themselves to the local traditions.

"It would be a great mistake to allow them (traditions) being pushed away by a foreign culture and religion," he told journalists.

Munib Hasan, from the Brno-based Islamic foundation, who recently announced the plan to build a new mosque, dismissed Juranek's opinion.

He said Brno Muslims have always rejected any radicalism and oppression.

KDU-CSL deputy chairman David Macek said the Christian Democrats recognise freedom of religious faith, but added he is embarrassed about some demands of Islamists.

He said, for instance, Vladimir Sanka writes in a manual on what is allowed and what is banned in Islam that Muslims need not obey anyone who does not preach Islam.

The manual also sets death penalty for unfaithful women and renegades from Islam, Macek said.

Hasan said the sentences are torn out of context. He added that it is necessary to look at the teaching of the churches as such, not at individuals' opinions.

"One thing is toleration and another thing is naivety. Such a group should not be accommodated in southern Moravia," Macek said.

He said the Czech Republic should not repeat the mistakes of western Europe where many Islam followers moved and now their communities clash with the majority society.

Macek also said the minaret that could be part of the planned mosque in Brno would change the city's cultural relief.

The Muslims, however, say they do not want a regular minaret, but a spire reminiscent of the minaret.

The Muslims now have a mosque in Brno but they say it no longer meets their requirements. It is small and it does not have study and lecture rooms.

Hasan reminded that previously the Brno mosque was opened in Brno 11 years ago as the first Muslim place of prayer in the Czech Republic.

Some 120 Islam followers meet in it and their number is growing.

Hasan said he believes that a new mosque can be built in Brno without provoking the public's resistance. He said Muslims have coexisted with other Brno inhabitants without any problem to date.

To mark the 10th anniversary of the mosque opening last year, the Muslims handed out 3653 roses as a sign of friendship. One rose was for one day in the ten years.

(Prague Daily Monitor)

Dutch Trained Imams Unable to Find Work in Mosques


The Protestant daily Trouw reports that home-grown Dutch imams will not be able to get jobs in mosques in the Netherlands any time soon. The government has made it clear that it wants an end to the practice of importing imams from abroad who do not speak Dutch, are not acquainted with modern Dutch culture and sometimes even push a radical Islamic agenda. Three prestigious educational institutions now offer courses to qualify as an imam in the Netherlands.


The problem is that many mosques simply do not have the funds to employ expensive Dutch graduates. The idea is also unpopular with the older generation of worshippers who still wield most power in the mosques. "Dutch is the language of the future," says one insider, "but the conservatism of the first generation is a problem."


"Knowledge of Arabic and the Qur'an: you can't learn all that in four or five years," counters an imam working in Amsterdam. Others believe a modern Dutch form of Islam has to be established before imams can be trained here. One expert agrees: "Dutch Islam needs its own theology [...] so that the new imam doesn't need to work from 13th-century sources. Dutch imams have to be able to draw on a kind of Dutch Islam."

Dagestan, Russia: 'Eight rebels killed'

At least eight suspected militants have been killed by Russian security forces in the troubled southern republic of Dagestan, local officials have said.

The men were shot dead by members of the Federal Security Service during an hour-long gun battle in a forest near the capital, Makhachkala, they added.

In neighbouring Chechnya, a militant was killed during a raid in the Urus-Martanovskiy district, reports say.

The clashes came after a suicide bomber killed six people in Grozny on Sunday.

The man blew himself up after police stopped him while he attempted to gain entry to a concert hall in the Chechen capital.


Growing insurgency

Violence has flared in the North Caucasus in recent months, with dozens of militants and members of the security forces being killed.

In June, the President of Ingushetia, Yunus-Bek Yevkurov, was critically injured by a car bomb in an apparent assassination attempt.

Two weeks earlier, Dagestan's interior minister was shot dead.

Russian forces have fought two wars against Islamist separatists in the mainly Muslim republic of Chechnya since 1994. The conflicts claimed more than 100,000 lives and left it in ruins.

Chechnya has in recent years been more peaceful, but the fighting has spread to Dagestan and Ingushetia, where correspondents say a violent Islamist insurgency is growing.

(BBC News)

Saturday, July 25, 2009

In the Middle East, Little Outcry Over China's Uighurs

Armed Chinese paramilitary police in riot gear disembark a truck outside a mosque in Urumqi in China's Xinjiang region on July 13, 2009
David Gray / REUTERS






By Abigail Hauslohner / Cairo

The fatal stabbing of an Egyptian Muslim woman in a German courtroom two weeks ago sparked anger across the Muslim world and fueled demands for a formal apology from Germany. But while the region rages about the story of the "headscarf martyr," holding her up as a symbol of persecution, the plight of China's Muslim population has provoked a more muted response.

On July 5 police cracked down on a demonstration by minority Muslim Uighurs in the city of Urumqi, capital of China's western Xinjiang region. Hundreds of Uighur young men rioted, attacking majority Han Chinese civilians with knives, clubs and bricks. In the end authorities say 137 Hans, 46 Uighurs and one member of the Chinese Muslim Hui ethnic group were killed. But, says Diaa Rashwan, a political analyst at the government-backed Ahram Center for Strategic Studies in Cairo, "there is not a lot of interest or attention paid to these events in the Arab and Muslim world."

Many Arabic news media covered the story only sporadically or failed to pick up on it until days after the riots began, and opinion writers — who were especially prolific in defense of the headscarf martyr — had very little to say about the Muslims in China. An article over the weekend in Saudi Arabia's Arab Times likened the struggle of their Uighur "co-religionists" to that of the Palestinians and compared the Han Chinese to the Jews; and an editorial in Egypt's state-run Al-Ahram newspaper last week urged the international community to pay more attention to the crackdown. But calls for Muslim and Arab leaders to condemn the violence in China remain conspicuously absent from the regional press.

Which isn't necessarily surprising. Most of the region's governments — and what is largely a state-sponsored press — have several reasons to ignore China's ethnically and religiously charged clashes. To some Arab regimes, the bloody images of riot police clashing with Uighur protesters in Xinjiang's capital last week were strikingly familiar, because the same thing happens at home. "They make the same systematic separation of opponents, of Islamic groups, of opposition groups, and they arrest many and they kill many," says Essam el-Erian, a leader of Egypt's opposition Muslim Brotherhood, comparing Arab regimes to the Chinese government. "How could they criticize the Chinese? They are in the same boat."

Indeed, the Uighurs and the popular Islamist Muslim Brotherhood have much to commiserate over. The Uighurs complain of religious and cultural persecution and economic marginalization by China's Han-dominated government. Not unlike Egypt's heavy-handed treatment of the Brotherhood — which is banned from participating in politics, and whose members are frequently subject to arrests and interrogations — China also limits the Uighurs' international travel and maintains a degree of control over the sermons they provide at local mosques.

So far, Turkey has been the only government in the region to offer strong condemnation of China's actions, with Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan likening the crackdown to "genocide." Turkey shares linguistic and cultural ties with China's Uighurs, and its leaders' criticism of the Chinese government is made easier, says el-Erian, because "they have a democratic system."

This week, some signs of protest were also evident in Jordan, where, according to U.S.-funded Arabic satellite network al-Hura, 40 Jordanian lawmakers submitted a letter to the head of parliament calling on the government to formally condemn the events in Xinjiang. Meanwhile, the Jordanian Moderate Islamic Party encouraged Arab and Islamic governments to take a stance on the "practices against Muslims in Germany and China." But no formal government statements have followed.

A large factor in the regional silence, according to local analysts, is trade. "There are other political and economic interests and challenges," says Hala Mustafa, editor-in-chief of Egypt's government-affiliated Al-Ahram Quarterly Democracy Review. China has a significant economic presence in the Middle East, particularly where it fills the gaps left by U.S. sanctions. According to U.S. government statistics, China is both Iran and Sudan's biggest trade partner, and either the main or secondary source of imports for most of the other countries in the region.

There is also a potential double standard to consider. In the case of Egypt, "China is not involved in or critical about any of the political challenges in Egypt, and it doesn't interfere on this level," says Mustafa. "That makes Egypt more reserved toward any clashes that Muslims are involved [with] in China."

Even so, some predict the official reaction will come — in time. "I think in the next days and weeks there will be more attention, because it just started in the Arab media," says political analyst Rashwan, adding that Muslim organizations in the Middle East will also start to publicly voice support for the Uighurs. In the most extreme case yet, al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb this week called for attacks on Han Chinese in North Africa in retaliation for Muslim deaths.

And while the Iranian government, which waged its own violent crackdown on opposition protesters last month, has remained relatively mute on the issue, several of the country's high-ranking Shi'ite clerics have spoken out against China's actions. "Defending the oppressed is an Islamic and humanitarian duty," Ayatullah Jafar Sobhani said on July 15, according to the Tehran Times.

Still, the chances that the region's heads of states will follow suit seem unlikely.

(Time)

Video: Muslim fashion - 'Anyone can wear these clothes'


Riazat Butt meets the designer behind Elenany, a new fashion label for Muslim women that blends modesty and street cred

Video

Elenany web-site

Sunday, July 19, 2009

Do Muslims Have More Children Than Other Women in Western Europe?



















Fertility Decline in the Netherlands Among Women Born in the Netherlands, Morocco, and Turkey, 1990 to 2005
Source: Statistics Netherlands, 2006, as cited in C.F. Westoff and T. Frejka, Population and Development Review 33, no. 4 (2007): table 3.


by Mary Mederios Kent

(February 2008) Extremely low birth rates in most of Europe have fueled concerns about population decline, yet one segment of the continent's population—Muslims—continues to grow. The increasing number and visibility of Muslims in Western Europe, juxtaposed with the low fertility among non-Muslims, has led some Europeans to worry that the region will eventually have a Muslim majority, fundamentally changing Western European society. A new study by demographers Charles Westoff and Tomas Frejka challenges this common perception and suggests that the fertility gap between Muslims and non-Muslims is shrinking.

Muslims Still a Small Minority

Concerns about the rapid growth of Muslims are based on popular perceptions, not statistical evidence. Because many European countries do not ask a person's religion on official forms or in censuses, it has been difficult to obtain accurate estimates of the number or childbearing rates of Muslims. Nevertheless, it seems clear that Muslims are far from achieving majority status. Muslims make up less than 5 percent of the population in most European countries. France has the largest Muslim population in Western Europe. An estimated 4 million to 6 million Muslims make up between 6 percent and 10 percent of the French population.

There are long-standing Muslim communities in some Eastern and Central European countries, especially in the Balkans, but only in Albania do Muslims constitute a large majority. Russia's Muslim population is huge, at least 15 million strong, yet makes up less than 15 percent of the total. Unlike the Western European Muslims, who are part of a large immigration wave that began after World War II, virtually all Eastern European Muslims are native-born.

European Muslims Show Fertility Declines

In their study, Westoff and Frejka sift through the available data to estimate the level and trends in childbearing among European Muslims. They show that although Muslim immigrants do have more children than other Europeans, their fertility tends to decline over time, often faster than among non-Muslims.

In Austria, for example, Muslim women had a total fertility rate (an estimate of lifetime births per woman) of 3.1 children per woman in 1981, well above the 1.7 average for the majority Roman Catholic women. By 2001, the rate for Catholics had fallen to 1.3, but the Muslim rate had fallen to 2.3—leaving a difference of just one child per woman between Muslims and non-Muslims.

The gap narrowed even further in the former West Germany, where the authors relied on data by mother's nationality rather than religion. West Germany recruited a large number of workers from Turkey beginning in the 1960s, giving Germany one of Western Europe's largest Muslim populations. In 1970, Turkish women living in West Germany had more than two more children than German women. By 1996, the difference between these two groups had fallen to one child.

Recent trends in the Netherlands tell a similar story (see figure). The fertility gap between native-born women and women born in predominantly Muslim Morocco and Turkey narrowed considerably between 1990 and 2005.

Fertility Falling in Immigrants' Home Countries

Fertility levels in the countries of origin for Muslim immigrants are reflected in different fertility rates among Muslim groups in Europe, as immigrants often arrive with the norms of their home countries. In Norway, the TFRs varied substantially depending on where women were born. Among immigrant women living in Norway, Somali women had a TFR of 5.2 in 1997-1998, compared with 4.8 for Iraqis, 3.1 for Turks, and 1.9 for Iranians. Native Norwegian women had 1.8 children on average during the period.

But fertility has been falling in many Muslim countries in the Middle East and Africa, which may help explain why younger Muslim women have lower fertility than older women. In Turkey, the TFR dropped from 3.3 in the 1985 to 1990 period to about 2.2 in 2003. Over the same span of years, the TFR fell from 4.5 to 2.5 in Morocco, and from 5.6 to 2.1 in Iran, according to UN estimates.

Muslims who grew up in Europe in immigrant families are also likely to adopt the majority population's preference for smaller families. All countries in Europe have had low fertility for decades.

Religiousness Tied to Higher Fertility

Westoff and Frejka also explored how religiousness may be linked to higher fertility. Women who report firm adherence to their religious beliefs and practices tend to have higher fertility than less religious women, whether Christian or Muslim. But religiousness does not always mean higher fertility. As the authors point out, Islam does not prohibit family planning, so women can have small families and follow their Islamic faith. The dramatic decline in Iran's fertility provides a recent example of how strict Islamic practices can coexist with widespread use of family planning.

Other factors also contribute to the higher Muslim fertility, including younger marriage ages for Muslims and a tendency to have children soon after immigrating. If Muslim immigrants have fewer children as they adapt to their host community, the eventual gap may not be as large as the most recent data suggest.

The study confirms the perception that Muslim women have more children than non-Muslims in Western Europe, but shows that the gap is not as large as many believe. And, similar to other immigrants in other countries, Muslim fertility rates tend to fall over time, narrowing the gap with the non-Muslims who make up the vast majority of the European population now, and for the foreseeable future.

Mary Mederios Kent is senior demographic editor at the Population Reference Bureau.

(Population Reference Bureau)

Croatian TV - Channel 2 serial "Muslims in Europe"






I have previously posted a link to the 9th episode of HRT2(Croatian radio-television) serial "Muslims in Europe"(Muslimani u Europi).

Here is entire serial:

Episode 1 - Croatia - in Croatian
Episode 2 - Finland - in Finnish
Episode 3 - Germany - in German
Episode 4 - Denmark - in Danish
Episode 5 - Ireland - in English
Episode 6 - Sweden - in Swedish
Episode 7 - Netherlands - in Dutch
Episode 8 - Turkey - in English
Episode 9 - Slovakia - in Slovak
Episode 10 - Poland - in Polish
Episode 11 - Austria - in German

All episodes are titled in Croatian.

The Muslim Jesus















This is very interesting film about Isa, PBUH - Jesus as seen in Islam.

The Muslim Jesus

Title: The Muslim Jesus
Producer & Director: Irshad Ashraf
Commentary: Hamza Yusuf and Abdur Raheem Green.
First Showed: ITV1 channel in 2007

Russia, Chechnya: Rights activist Natalya Estemirova murdered














By Miriam Elder in Moscow
Published: 8:34PM BST 15 Jul 2009

Natalya Estemirova, who won numerous international awards for her work, was bundled into a car as she left her home in Grozny, the Chechen capital. Her body was later found by the side of a road in the neighbouring province of Ingushetia. She had been shot twice in the head at close range.

Mrs Estemirova, a single mother in her early 40s, was the seventh opponent of Ramzan Kadyrov, the Kremlin-backed Chechen president, to have been murdered in the past 10 months.

Her colleagues at Memorial, which is widely regarded as Russia's most respected human rights organisation, alleged that Mr Kadyrov was responsible for the killing.

"Ramzan Kadyrov is responsible, not only because he leads Chechnya," alleged Oleg Orlov, Memorial's director. "He threatened Natalya, told her that her hands would be covered in blood and that he destroys bad people.

"We didn't say this before because we were scared for her safety." Mr Kadyrov's spokesman said he was unaware of the activist's disappearance.

Dmitry Medvedev, the Russian president, was said to have been "indignant" over the killing but there was no response from Mr Putin, the prime minister, who appointed Mr Kadyrov to restore order in the troubled republic. Mr Putin was criticised in 2006 after he remained silent for three days following the murder of Anna Politkovskaya, the journalist who campaigned on injustices in Chechnya.

Mr Kadyrov has denied accusations that he ordered the killing of Mrs Politkovskaya, insisting that he did not "kill women".

In the past 10 months many of his rivals have been found dead after killings in Vienna, Istanbul, Dubai and Moscow.

Although she was not a political rival, Mrs Estemirova was one of the few figures in Russia who dared to expose abuses in Chechnya.

Hours before she died, activists held a press conference that called for Mr Putin's prosecution before an international criminal court.

Mrs Estemirova had also just published a report that accused members of the Kadyrov administration of carrying out revenge killings.

Friends said the activist had become increasingly fearful for both herself and her 15-year-old daughter.

"She was working on very sensitive cases and realised the danger," said Tatyana Lokshina, a fellow activist.

Memorial called for the removal of Mr Kadyrov, who was appointed deputy prime minister in 2004 and ascended to the presidency in 2007 after reaching the legal age of 30.

Accusations of disappearances, revenge killings and other abuses have dogged his regime. Critics accuse the Kremlin of turning a blind eye to the alleged crimes, in exchange for stability brought to a republic that fought two separatist wars with Moscow in the 1990s.

(Telegraph.co.uk)

Thursday, July 16, 2009

EU opens borders to some Balkan states - but not all

















The EU Commission has proposed lifting the visa requirements for people from Serbia, Montenegro and Macedonia from next year. But Bosnian Muslims feel excluded - they will have to wait longer for open borders.


Sada Domanagic is a pensioner living in the capital of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Sarajevo. She wants to visit her sister in Slovenia, and she's applying for a visa. She finds it a humiliating business, especially as Slovenia, which is now part of the European Union, used to be part of Yugoslavia, just like Bosnia-Herzegovina.

She's had to get her sister to give a guarantee that she will take financial responsibility for her, she's had to prove that she has a flat in Bosnia, and she's had to send in her pension slips for March, April and May.

"And I'm a pensioner!" she says. "What must it be like for young people! If it weren't for the fact that I want to visit my sister, I wouldn't mess about with all this."


Bosnians suspect anti-Muslim discrimination

Amar Basic is a 24-year-old student of English literature. He's disappointed in the EU. He's a Muslim - a Bosniak - but he wants to put all the nationalist differences of the past behind him.

And he's worried that the decision to grant visa-free travel to Bosnia's neighbors will only cement the ethnic divisions in the country. Ethnic Serbs and Croats in Bosnia can apply for Serbian and Croatian passports, but the Muslims have no way out.

Basic has written an open letter to the EU in which he points out that Ratko Mladic, the former Bosnian Serb general who is wanted for war crimes, is entitled to a better passport than his victims.

"This creates this conception that the EU is anti-Bosniak or anti-Muslim or anti-victim," he says.

He has some support within the EU. For example, Daniel Cohn-Bendit, head of the Green group in the European Parliament describes it as "morally unacceptable."

He admits that there's a technical problem, in that, according to the Commission, the Bosnians have been unable to introduce the biometric passports which the EU requires.

"But it's still not on," he says, "that Bosnian Serbs will be able to benefit, and the only ones who can't travel are the Bosnian Muslims."


"Lack of political insight"

Christian Schwarz-Schilling, who served as the international community's high representative for Bosnia from May of 2006 to June of 2007, doesn't even believe that technical reasons are behind the discrimination. "I know that the progress in providing biometric passports is on the same level in Bosnia-Herzegovina as in Serbia," he told Deutsche Welle.

He argues that the problem is that the politicians of the mainly Serb entity within Bosnia, the Republika Srpska, refuse to hand over the control of their borders to the central government.

"This is not a technical matter," he says. "It's a highly political matter. There were wars and genocide 15 years ago [over these issues]. It just shows that in Brussels they have no political insight, and they don't care about the political situation of the people. It's the people that matter, and not the games of some political figures."

Schwarz-Schilling would like to see the EU put more pressure on Bosnia to sort itself out. He says until all the countries of the western Balkans can enjoy visa-free travel, the program should be delayed.

The same applies to Kosovo, where ethnic Serbs will be able to use Serbian passports while ethnic Albanians will have to wait in line at the embassies.

Meanwhile Sada Domanagic has had her appointment with the Slovenian embassy. She's got her visa, but it isn't valid until two days after she'd planned to travel.

"They wouldn't give me back my passport immediately," she complains. "They take their time, apparently, until they look through all the papers. I'm very annoyed."

Frank Hoffmann / Michael Lawton
Editor: Chuck Penfold

(Deutsche Welle)

Muslims in Germany: Life in a Parallel Society

By Norbert F. Pötzl

In Germany, Islam is often equated with fundamentalism and fanaticism, a perception that imposes a heavy burden on the country's 3 million Muslims. Their relationship to Western society is divided between integration and sometimes self-imposed exclusion.

The name of the salon is German -- Goldene Finger (Golden Fingers) -- but the services it offers are listed in the window in Arabic and Turkish. In the front of the shop, 40-year-old Palestinian Toufic al-Rifae gives men haircuts and trims their beards. Veiled women disappear into a back section behind a curtain, where female hairdressers do their hair and, using thick lines of the traditional Middle Eastern cosmetic preparation known as kohl, apply their makeup in the Arab style.

Diagonally across the street, Ris A, a restaurant specializing in grilled meats, advertises its poultry as "halal," or slaughtered according to Islamic religious rules. The place is reminiscent of a McDonald's fast-food restaurant, with its colorful plastic tables and chairs and tiled floor. In an open kitchen in the corner, 72 chickens are being roasted over coals on a large rotating grate. The name of the restaurant, explains the owner, a 35-year-old Lebanese man, "means in Islam: 'What Allah has bestowed upon me'."

Al Sundus is a shop specializing in "Arab lingerie," Arab water pipes, known as shishas, are bubbling away in the El Salam café and neighborhood bakeries sell rectangular cakes coated in white cream or decorated with bright green pistachios. One Middle Eastern business after another lines the northern end of Sonnenallee, a prominent street in Berlin's Neukölln neighborhood.

For some, Sonnenallee is a colorful, quirky shopping street. Others refer to it derisively as the Gaza Strip.
...

(Full article on Spiegel Online- Part 1 and Part 2)

Muslim organizations in Germany


Only a minority of the Muslims residing in Germany are members of religious associations. The ones with the highest numerical strength are:

* Diyanet İşleri Türk İslam Birliği (DİTİB): German branch of the Turkish Presidency for Religious Affairs, Cologne
* Islamische Gemeinschaft Milli Görüş: close to the Islamist Saadet Partisi in Turkey, Kerpen near Cologne
* Islamische Gemeinschaft Jamaat un-Nur: German branch of the Risale-i Nur Society (Said Nursi)
* Verband der islamischen Kulturzentren: German branch of the conservative Süleymancı sect in Turkey, Cologne
* Islamische Gemeinschaft in Deutschland organization of Arab Muslims close to the Muslim Brotherhood, Frankfurt
* Verband der Islamischen Gemeinden der Bosniaken: Bosnian Muslims, Kamp-Lintfort near Duisburg

Furthermore there are the following umbrella organisations:

* Zentralrat der Muslime in Deutschland, domimated by the "Islamische Gemeinschaft in Deutschland" and the "Islamisches Zentrum Aachen"
* Islamrat in Deutschland, dominated by Islamische Gemeinschaft Milli Görüş and its suborganisations

In addition there are numerous local associations without affiliation to any of these organisations. Two organisations have been banned in 2002 because their programme was judged as contrary to the constitution: The "Hizb ut-Tahrir" and the so called "Caliphate State" founded by Cemalettin Kaplan and later lead by his son Metin Kaplan.
(Wikipedia)
See also: Deutschland Online

Book: Islam in Europe Diversity, Identity and Influence


Edited by Aziz Al-Azmeh
Central European University, Budapest
Effie Fokas
Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP)

Events over recent years have increased the global interest in Islam. This volume seeks to combat generalisations about the Muslim presence in Europe by illuminating its diversity across Europe and offering a more realistic, highly differentiated picture. It contends with the monist concept of identity that suggests Islam is the shared and main definition of Muslims living in Europe. The contributors also explore the influence of the European Union on the Muslim communities within its borders, and examine how the EU is in turn affected by the Muslim presence in Europe. This book comes at a critical moment in the evolution of the place of Islam within Europe and will appeal to scholars, students and practitioners in the fields of European studies, politics and policies of the European Union, sociology, sociology of religion, and international relations. It also addresses the wider framework of uncertainties and unease about religion in Europe.

Contents

1. Introduction Effie Fokas; 2. Christians and Muslims: memory, amity and enmities Tarek Mitri; 3. The question of Euro-Islam: restriction or opportunity? Jorgen Nielsen; 4. Muslim identities in Europe: the snare of exceptionalism Jocelyne Cesari; 5. From exile to diaspora: the development of transnational Islam in Europe Werner Schiffauer; 6. Bosnian Islam as European Islam: limits and shifts of a concept Xavier Bougarel; 7. The regulation of religious diversity by the institutions of the European Union: the case of Islam Bérengère Massignon; 8. Development, discrimination and reverse discrimination: effects of EU integration and regional change on the Muslims of Southeast Europe Dia Anagnostou; 9. Breaching the infernal cycle: Turkey and the European Union Valérie Amiraux; 10. Afterword Aziz al-Azmeh.

Reviews

"Perhaps no mistake is greater in discussion of the contemporary world than the belief that identity is one-dimensional, and fixed, and that, on its own, religion, as part of such identity, can explain social and political behavior. The essays in this volume challenge such simplistic ideas in general, and the particular variant that is applied to Muslims, in the Middle East and in Europe, and as much by Islamist fundamentalists as by western observers. In disaggregating ‘identity’ and in demonstrating the many varieties of ethnicity, context, religious practice, class belonging and political affiliation of the Muslims who live in Europe, Aziz Al-Azmeh and Effie Fokas have produced a book of great relevance to public debate and academic research alike." - Professor Fred Halliday, London School of Economics, author 100 Myths About the Middle East (2005)

"Scholars of European politics, religion and politics, and the politics of Islam will certainly profit from a close reading of this volume. It deserves to influence serearch, teaching, and broader public discussion of the future of Europe and its increasingly heterogeneous societies." --Andrew C. Gould, University of Notre Dame: Comparative Politics Book Reviews

Contributors

Effie Fokas, Tarek Mitri, Jorgen Nielsen, Jocelyne Cesari, Werner Schiffauer, Xavier Bougarel, Bérengère Massignon, Dia Anagnostou, Valérie Amiraux, Aziz al-Azmeh

(Cambridge University Press)

Book: Islam in Europe: Integration or Marginalization?

In this book the author Robert J. Pauly, (Adjunct Professor of Diplomacy at Norwich University, Northfield, VT) looks in detail at the impact of Islam's presence in Europe. He examines five areas of particular importance:

• the effect of the growth of Muslim communities on the demographics of Western Europe generally, and France, Germany and the United Kingdom in particular;
• the consequences of the marginalization of Muslims on domestic and international security within and outside of Western Europe in the post-11 September 2001 era;
• the impact of the issue of Islam in Europe on the European Union's ongoing deepening and widening processes
• the potential correlation between the increased visibility of Islam in Europe and the growth of far-right political parties across the continent;
• and the broader relationships between the issues of Islam in Europe, Islam and Europe, and Islam and the West.

The main theses of Pauly are the need for a local approach in the short term and the implementation of projects at the regional, national and supranational levels in light of local experiences. The author is convinced that the present societal divide between Christians and Muslims in Europe could be overcome by developing an "inclusive society with room for a European brand of Islam", if not a "hybrid Euro-Islamic identity".
(Eurac.edu)

Wednesday, July 15, 2009

Barroso: Islam is part of Europe

BRUSSELS , May 5 (KUNA) -- The President of the European Commission, Jose Manuel Barroso, underlined here Monday that Islam is part and parcel of Europe and he also condemned the concept of clash of civilisations.
"Islam today is part of Europe. It is important to understand this.One should not see Islam as outside Europe. We already have an important presence of Islam and Muslims among our citizens," Barroso told a press conference this afternoon after an informal dialogue between EU leaders and around twenty high-level representatives of Christianity, Judaism and Islam in Europe.
"We can be a European citizen being a Christian, being Jewish or Muslim or having no religion," he noted.
On his part, the Grand Mufti of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Dr.Mustafa Ceric, said Islam is indeed part of Europe but unfortunately Turkey is not yet part of Europe.
"Following this logic Europe has to prove that Islam is part of Europe by not delaying the acceptance of Turkey to the EU," Ceric told the joint press conference.
Many people in Turkey and the Muslim world believe that Turkey will not be accepted as an EU member because it is a Muslim country.
Mondays meeting was co-chaired by European Commission President Barroso, Slovenian Prime Minister and current President of the European Council, Janez Jansa, and the President of the European Parliament, Hans-Gert Pottering.
This year's meeting focused on two major challenges facing the European Union: Climate Change and Reconciliation.
This was the fourth such annual meeting with religious leaders and the second involving the Presidents of the three EU institutions. The initiative was launched by President Barroso in 2005.
Barroso said that the inter-faith dialogue proved that "preachers of clash of civilisations are wrong".
Janez Jansa told reporters that "the environment is not only natural but also a sacred place. Community and loalty between man, nature and the Creator is a basic principle of Judaism, Christianity and Islam alike".
Slovenia, he said, would like to create an Euro-Mediterranean university which will be a meeting place for young people coming from the Christian, Muslim and Jewish world.
A charter will be signed on 9 June in Slovenia, which holds the current EU Presidency, on creating this new university.
EP President Pottering said "intercultural dialogue is an important contribution to the European Union's relations with its neighbouring countries, in particular in the Mediterranean region".
He noted that since the EU has declared 2008 as the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue, the high-level meeting is a welcome opportunity to focus o on the topic of "Reconciliation through intercultural and inter-faith dialogue".
Source: Kuwait News Agency web-site

Sunday, July 12, 2009

Why Europe needs Islam



















Why Europe Needs Islam is a session held in Birmingham and London on January 15th and 17th 2008.
Link

Europeans.ws: Valuable Web-site about Indigenous European Muslims


















Valuable web-site where you can find a lot of information about indigenous European Muslim peoples, and many information about new European Muslims:
Europeans.ws

European Muslims Show No Conflict Between Religious and National Identities






















Surveys in London, Paris, and Berlin indicate resident Muslims at least as likely as general public to identify with country
by Zsolt Nyiri, Ph.D.
Regional Research Director for Europe, Gallup World Poll

GALLUP NEWS SERVICE

PRINCETON, NJ -- There are two extreme viewpoints on the issue of Muslim integration into Europe. On the one hand, Muslims are accused of resisting peaceful integration into European society, as evidenced by events such as the bombing in London and the riots in France in 2005. On the other hand, Europeans are accused of being increasingly hostile toward Muslims and other immigrants, as evidenced by the popularity of European anti-immigration parties or the growing number of legislative attempts to limit the use of religious symbols, including the veil worn by Muslim women.

Poll results provide very limited support for either of these extreme positions. Rather, our data reveal that, while religion remains an important part of their identity, Muslim residents of London, Paris, and Berlin also identify strongly with the country in which they live. In all three cities, strong majorities of Muslims -- 68% in Paris, 85% in Berlin, and 88% in London -- say religion is an important part of their lives. These figures stand in stark contrast to those found among the general population: only 23% of French, 36% of British, and 41% of German respondents overall consider religion to be an important part of their lives.

However, the idea that their higher religiosity implies a weaker sense of national identity is simply false. In London and Paris, when Muslims were not forced to choose between religious and national identity, they tended to associate themselves with both. In fact, in none of the three countries were Muslim residents significantly less likely than the populations at large to say they identify strongly with their country. (In the United Kingdom, they were actually somewhat more likely to do so).

Gallup.com

If You Want to Tell Somebody How do Features of a Mosque Look Like...


Minbar
Platform in a mosque, placed next to the mihrab. The minbar is used during the khutba, the Friday sermon, and the khatib (the person performing the Friday sermon) ascends it.

Mihrab
At the midpoint of the wall facing Qibla is a niche or recess that constitutes the central and sometimes most decorated feature of any mosque, known as the mihrab. The mihrab is not considered to be a sacred element of the mosque. Rather, it prescribes the sacred direction for prayer to Makkah. When in prayer, Muslims will form row upon row, each parallel to, and facing the qibla wall.

Qibla
Within the prayer hall, one wall must face the Masjid al-Haram in Makkah, the direction in which Muslims should face in order to perform salat (called Qibla). This wall is the direction of the Qibla.

Ablution Area
Area where Muslims perform their wudu (ablution) before commencing salat (prayer). Salat is not accepted without wudu.

Minaret
Tall tower, near to, or built into, a mosque, where the Muadhin (person who calls people to prayer) goes up to stand in a high place for everyone to be able to hear when the adhan (call to prayer) is being called. The earliest mosques were built without minarets, and the action of adhan could be performed in many other locations.

Sajadah/Musalla
Clean (commonly carpeted) area within a mosque where Muslims pray in congregation.

Imam's Quarters
The Imam of a Mosque traditionally lives in a purposely built home adjacent or close to the mosque. Thus, known as the Imam's Quarters.

The Euro-Muslim Network

The European Muslim Network - EMN is a Think Tank that gathers European Muslims intellectuals and activists throughout Europe. They aim at fostering communication, views and expert analysis on the key issues related to the Muslim presence in Europe.

The EMN is designed to provide a space of encounter and discussion for Muslims and non-Muslims organizations, NGOs, stakeholder groups and policy makers to produce practical recommendations for action of common concerns in a multi -constituency approach.

The EMN ensures a substantial contribution through interaction with the European level and the grass roots level Muslims organizations on the fast-moving debates regarding Islam in Europe.

They aim at being vocal and creative to play their part to "challenge the present and change the future...".

Euro-Muslims.eu

Ireland Makes Blasphemy Illegal

MAJOR new legislation reforming the State's libel laws and enabling judges to advise juries on the size of damages was passed in the Dáil yesterday.

The Defamation Bill, which also introduces a new crime of blasphemous libel, will come into operation after it is passed by the Seanad later this week and signed into law by President Mary McAleese.

The legislation, which the media industry broadly supports, also aims to ensure that the recently established Press Council operates as efficiently as possible.

It also enables newspapers to offer an apology without risking an admission of liability, and to defend libel actions by arguing that a story was in the public interest.

The new laws are expected to be in full operation by October.

In recent months, the stalled legislation was the subject of major debate when Justice Minister Dermot Ahern announced the introduction of a new crime of blasphemous libel. He argued that a new definition was required by the Constitution.

Under the changes, the maximum fine for blasphemy will be cut from €100,000 to €25,000.

During a debate on 33 proposed amendments to the legislation yesterday, Mr Ahern refused calls from Opposition parties to continue the debate today.

He claimed that TDs had debated the legislation "endlessly" since 2006 and it was now time to pass it.

"There is an understanding that it will and should pass before the summer.

"Many of the following amendments are simply a regurgitation of what members discussed on Committee Stage ad nauseam and of what has been debated in the Seanad and the Dáil over the past two years," Mr Ahern said.

Sinn Fein's Aengus O Snodaigh earlier argued that the legislation should be changed so that TDs who took a legal case or who were sued could remain in public office if they ended up bankrupt.

Under current rules, if a TD becomes bankrupt, they are debarred from elected office.

However, Mr Ahern said these concerns could be dealt with in the context of the ethics-in-public-office or electoral legislation. He did not adopt the Sinn Fein proposal.
Independent.ie

Saturday, July 11, 2009

Janazah in Srebrenica live


Janazah in Srebrenica will be available live on the site of BHT(Bosnia-Herzegvina Television)1 at 11:50 CET today:
BHT1
Click on the sign (go live) under the title "Pregled programa BHT 1" on the right of the page.

Tomb of sahabi on the ground of Europe




























Abu Ayyub al-Ansari



Abu Ayyub al-Ansari (576?–674?) - born Khalid ibn Zayd ibn Kulayb in Yathrib - hailed from the tribe of Banu Najjar and was a close companion (Arabic: الصحابه, sahaba) of Prophet Muhammad, PBUH. Abu Ayyub was one among the Ansar (Arabic: الأنصار, meaning aiders, helpers or patrons) of early Muslim history, or those who supported Muhammad, PBUH after the hijra (migration) to Medina in 622 C.E. The patronym Abu Ayyub, means father (abu) of Ayyub.

When Muhammad, PBUH arrived in Medina he was extended accommodations by all of its inhabitants, but he wished to stay with the Banu Najjar, whom he was distantly related to. Upon making inquiries as to the member of Banu Najjar closest to him, Muhammad, PBUH was introduced to Abu Ayyub al-Ansari, who was granted the honor of temporarily lodging Muhammad, PBUH for seven months.

Following the Muslim conquest of Egypt Abu Ayyub moved to a house in Fustat adjacent to the mosque of Amr bin Al'aas which was completed in 642 CE. Several other notable Companions were his neighbors, including Zubayr ibn al-Awwam, Ubaida, Abu Zar, Abdullah ibn Umar and Abdullah ibn Amr bin Al'aas.

He also led a distinguished military career. Of him it was said, He did not stay away from any battle the Muslims fought from the time of Muhammad, PBUH to the time of Muawiyah unless he was engaged at the same time in another.

Last military campaign

Muhammad ibn Jarir al-Tabari records under A.H. 49 (9/2/669-28/1/670) a number of raids against the Byzantines, including the one led by Muawiyah's son Yazid against Constantinople (cf. Siege of Constantinople (674)). Abu Ayyub is among the notables listed as accompanying Yazid. He was an old man, but that did not prevent him from enlisting. After a short time engaged in battle, he fell ill and had to withdraw. Yazid came to him and asked: "Do you need anything, Abu Ayyub?" To which Abu Ayyub replied, "Convey my salaams (Islamic farewell) to the Muslim armies and tell them: "Abu Ayyub urges you to penetrate deeply into the territory of the enemy as far as you can go, that you should carry him with you and that you should bury him under your feet at the walls of Constantinople." Then he breathed his last. The Muslim army fulfilled his request and pushed back the enemy's forces until they reached the walls of Constantinople where Abu Ayyub was buried.

About this battle, Aslam-ibn `Imran narrated that when they were fighting the Romans, a Muslim soldier penetrated the enemy ranks. People shouted, "Subhan allah! He has contributed to his own destruction." Some say that thereupon, Abu Ayyub al-Ansari stood up, and said, "O people! You give this interpretation to this verse, whereas it was revealed concerning us, the Ansar, when actually Allah had given honour to Islam and its supporters had become many, whereupon some of us secretly said to one another ... 'Our wealth has been depleted, and Allah has given honour to Islam and its supporters have become many, so let us stay amidst our wealth and make up what has been depleted of it.' Thereupon, Muslims believe God said to Muhammad, 'And spend in the Path of God ( فِي سَبِيلِ اللّهِ ), and do not contribute to your own destruction'... refuting what we had said. So, the destruction lay in staying with our wealth and repleting it and abandoning combat."

The tomb of Abu Ayyub al-Ansari

The tomb of Abu Ayyub al-Ansari (Eyüp Sultan Türbesi) has always been a center of attraction, drawing a variety of people, including Ottoman sultans, throughout its history. Today, it remains the district’s nucleus and holds a special place in people’s hearts.

Abu Ayyub al-Ansari still beckons thousands of people. Farmers from Anatolia, businessmen, statesmen, intellectuals, students, women from the countryside in their colorful local dress and foreigners all come to pay their respect, to recite verses of the Quran, to ask for the Creator’s blessing or simply to breathe the spiritual air radiating from area. For many people who come to visit İstanbul for whatever reason, Eyüp is a must see.

The number of visitors to the mosque and the tomb increases significantly during religious holidays, Friday prayers and the holy month of Ramadan in particular. Streets become overcrowded due to traffic during Ramadan, but despite having to wait in traffic for hours, they keep on coming.

It is also a common tradition among newlyweds to visit the tomb as well as the mosque and for families to bring their sons to celebrate their circumcision.

Mehmet II had the tomb built in 1459 after his spiritual mentor, Akshemsettin, saw the burial site in a dream. A plane tree beside which al-Ansari’s body was discovered still stands in the middle of the inner courtyard of the Eyüp Sultan Mosque.

The outer and inner walls of the tomb are adorned with tiles. The single-domed tomb has an octagonal shape. That part of the tomb housing Abu Ayyub al-Ansari’s sarcophagus, enclosed in silver with beautifully adorned railings, is separated from the rest of the hall. The velvet curtains at the tomb are said to have been originally made for the shrine of the Prophet Mohammed, known as Rawdat-ul-Mutahhara (Dome of the Prophet); nevertheless the curtains could not be sent there due to the outbreak of World War I and were hung in Abu Ayyub al-Ansari’s tomb instead.

The mausoleum hall and the tomb chamber have been adorned with calligraphy, crystal chandeliers and silver decorations from different centuries. Furthermore, a footprint of the Prophet Mohammed in marble stone and framed in silver lays embedded in the wall that faces the direction of prayer.

Three UK Muslims stories


Msnbc's multimedia regrding three Muslims from UK and their life stories:
Three Muslims lives in Britain

Mahinur Ozdemir: First Belgium MP to Don the Hijab


By Abdullah Mustapha

Brussels, Asharq Al-Awsat- When I met Mahinur Ozdimer in one of the biggest shopping malls in Brussels just one day before the Belgium elections that took place on June 7, I noticed that she was the only female candidate wearing Hijab as the candidates handed out leaflets and met and spoke with voters.

I asked Mahinur “Aren’t you worried about the reaction you’ll get from Belgian voters because you wear Hijab?” Ozdemir, a Belgium citizen of a Turkish descent, answered, “I will not take off my Hijab for the elections or for parliament. I wore the Hijab when I was working for Schaerbeek Municipal Council and I will carry on wearing it even in parliament.”

Despite the pressure she is subjected to because she continues to wear the Hijab, Mahinur always says that “efficiency alone is what matters, not the Hijab.”

Mahinur is the first parliamentarian to wear Hijab, but there is a problem; Belgian law does not allow MPs to wear headscarves in parliament. The issue has begun to raise controversy among members of Arab and Muslim communities and amongst the Belgians themselves.

MP Suad Razzouk from Belgium’s Socialist Party said, “Ozdemir will face two options: resign if she does not take off the Hijab, or give up her seat in parliament.”

Ahmed Mohsen, a member of the Green Party, said “I will work towards changing the current status as the right-wing, liberals and socialist parties caused the banning of Hijab in 95 per cent of Belgian schools with only five schools allowing it.”

The Socialist Party’s MP Sofia Bouarfa said, “I am concerned about the future of every female candidate who wears Hijab and wants to run for parliament because that person will face major challenges and difficulties. She is supposed to represent all parts of Belgian society and it is only normal that not everybody will be considerate of the fact that wearing Hijab is a personal freedom.”

Having won 2851 votes, enough to secure her a seat in Belgian parliament, local and international media rushed to interview Mahinur. Everywhere she goes there are local and international press and television stations from different countries such as Britain, Turkey and Australia that want to talk to Mahinur.

In every interview, Mahinur has insisted that there should not be so much emphasis on the Hijab that she wears but on the issues that are of importance to a Belgian citizen, mainly unemployment and housing.

Mahinur said, “I will work against unemployment and towards allowing the Hijab to be worn in the workplace and in schools.” She added, “I would like to point out that with or without Hijab, my view of the problems in this country and finding solutions to them and helping others will be the same. I cover my hair, but not my ideas, and the Islamic headscarf will in no way be an obstacle to my political activity. It should not be a controversial issue and I would advise those criticizing the Hijab to do away with the injustice that obscures their vision.”

Mahinur emphasizes that she is a Belgian of Turkish and Muslim descent by saying, “I was born here in Belgium and raised and educated in this country. I’m a third-generation immigrant and I come from a family that is devoted to serious and sincere work. My family supported me and celebrated my success in the elections.”

There is a large Muslim community that consists of at least half a million people in Belgium, the majority of which are Moroccans and Turks. The first generation of immigrants arrived in Belgium in the late 1950s to help rebuild the country following the destruction caused by World War II.

Mahinur got to a point where she avoided answering questions about Hijab after she found that there was too much focus on this issue, especially when it came to questions on the attitudes of her fellow party members towards her and whether people were open to the idea of a parliamentarian wearing Hijab. There was an incident during her party’s election campaign; the party had put up pictures of the candidates in Schaerbeek and Mahinur’s picture was enlarged so that people could only see her face, not her Hijab.

Commenting on the incident, Mahinur said, “The party officials explained that a mistake had been made either by the printing company or by an employee working on the election campaign, either of whom did not consult anyone else regarding the matter. I was angry but I am not now after the party explained the situation.”

There has been debate over the name of the party to which Mahinur belongs. The foreign media calls it the ‘Christian Democratic Party’ whilst a number of party members of Arab descent state that this is incorrect and that the correct translation of the party’s name is the ‘Humanist Democratic Centre.’

Taha Adnan, who works for the administration of the francophone government in Brussels, said that in 2002, the Christian Democratic Party changed its name to ‘Humanist Democratic Centre’ [CdH] and as a result, it lost the votes of many Christians in Belgian society. But in turn, it gained votes from a number of Arab and Muslim immigrants.

But how did Mahinur get into politics? When did she join the party? When did she decide she wanted to enter parliament and how did she choose which party to join?

“When I was a child, I always dreamt of being a lawyer, but I started wearing the Hijab at 14 years old, so I had to reconsider my future. So I chose to study Political Science at the Free University of Brussels, with a major in Human Resources, and I obtained a diploma in Management…My decision not to study law was not because it was too difficult, as I’m not the kind of person who gives up. Even if became a lawyer I would have entered the world of politics, which I came to understand quite well during my free time at the university through the internet.”

Mahinur stated that she read the programs of various Belgian political parties and liked the CdH, which calls for offering social aid, and upholding democratic principles and family values. “It is enough that it is a moderate party as I hate extremism, and the party’s program has a lot of respect for religious beliefs.”

Mahinur joined the party in 2004 when she was still studying. The following year she was offered the opportunity to take part in the municipal elections as part of the party and she joined the municipal council of Schaerbeek, which has a large number of citizens of Arab and Muslim descent, mainly Moroccans and Turks.

In the recent elections Mahinur ranked 21st, which was enough to guarantee a seat in parliament. In reference to her family, Mahinur said “They helped me a lot and gave me support. They are very happy for me.”

Describing her as a very eloquent speaker, the Belgian press says that Mahinur has a lot to say on social issues and social development.

However, the elections are over and the winners have been announced. Mahinur is now waiting to take the constitutional oath as the first parliamentarian in Belgium to wear Hijab though this goes against Belgian law.

Mahinur believes that she will be a member of parliament in Brussels alongside a number of Muslims who were chosen by the Muslim community living in the Belgian capital to represent them. The issues that they want dealing with include the banning of the Hijab in some schools, the prohibition of slaughtering animals at home for the religious festival of Eid al Adha or any other day, and the issue of financial aid required for Islamic associations to help them carry out their religious duty of serving members of Muslim communities.

Prior to Mahinur, several Muslim MPs entered Belgian parliament to serve their society’s interests.

MP Fatiha Saidi, a Belgian of Moroccan origin born in Algeria to Moroccan parents, says that she focuses on the issues of all races without discrimination and that her primary goal is to serve the oppressed, especially those with no residence permits or those who are jobless, and those who have problems with schooling and education etc.

Saidi said, “I have intervened in parliament with regards to the issue of slaughtering animals during the Eid festival or on other days. I raised questions on the matter in parliament and I questioned the Belgium Minister of Justice on racism in the Belgium labour market, the oppression that Muslim communities suffer and discrimination in the employment field.”

Saidi indicated that she has prepared a report to this effect to be discussed in parliament and that she has also raised the issue of Hijab in schools; “Discussions on this are still underway.” Finally, Fatiha Saidi added, “The Belgian people we work with do not share the same experiences or circumstances that Muslim communities experience such as nostalgia, racism and migration. This is why it is our role to clarify the nature of such problems to others through different means such as seminars and lectures within the party to which I belong or in parliament or during sessions, as well as in magazines, party-affiliated and independent newspapers.”

Mohamad Daif, of Moroccan descent, was one of the first Muslims to enter Brussels parliament following the 1995 elections. Daif said, “The religion of Islam is acknowledged here in Belgium and there is a representative body that is recognized by the Belgian government despite the strong criticism against it from some Belgium parties that refuse to recognize this body or Islam as a religion. As a Muslim citizen, I am of the view that the executive body for Muslims must have the ability to work and achieve the goals for which it was established, and that there must be enough finance to provide for this. Towards this end, my role in the party to which I belong – the Socialist Party – and my role in parliament has been to work towards eliminating any kind of racism by providing finance to different bodies and ensuring a fair share of financial aid to different institutions so that it can achieve its goals.”

It is clear that Mahinur has a lot of work ahead of her regarding the problems in the Muslim community but the important question remains; how will this parliamentarian escape the dilemma that lies ahead? Will she give up the Hijab? Or will the Brussels parliament turn a blind eye and let her take the oath and amend that specific article of the constitution? Deliberations to this effect are underway between different parties, and we will soon know the answers to those questions.
Source: Asharq Alawsat

Friday, July 10, 2009

Names of Srebrenica victims whose janazah will be held tommorrow


Here are the names of 534 DNA-identified Srebrenica genocide victims scheduled to be laid to rest at the Srebrenica Genocide Memorial on July11, 2009 (Saturday) in Potočari. All victims have their names and a date of birth. May their souls finally rest in peace...

1 Abidović (Ferid) Fikret 1977 1 86 15
2 Abidović (Šaban) Rasim 1940 1 85 17
3 Ademović (Avdo) Sadik 1953 11 22 29
4 Ademović (Mustafa) Esed 1926 1 65 7
5 Ademović (Nurija) Avdo 1926 7 18 42
6 Ademović (Osman) Ibrahim 1937 5 18 24
7 Ahmetović (Abdulah) Merim 1973 12 18 9
8 Ahmetović (Avdulah) Zijad 1974 9 9 8
9 Ahmetović (Edhem) Bećir 1946 7 22 6
10 Ahmetović (Hašim) Ahmo 1936 3 10 7
11 Ahmetović (Osman) Munib 1976 11 4 35
12 Ahmetović (Ramo) Mujo 1927 3 23 22
13 Ahmetović (Ramo) Sulejman 1935 3 24 21
14 Alemić (Salkan) Hajrudin 1956 1 28 5
15 Alić (Abid) Meho 1931 3 33 10
16 Alić (Alija) Hakija 1941 1 12 9
17 Alić (Alija) Mahmut 1959 11 7 32
18 Alić (Hasan) Elvis 1976 10 14 8
19 Alić (Huso) Hasan 1953 10 14 9
20 Alić (Mehmed) Esed 1941 4 2 20
21 Alić (Mevludin) Mirsad 1974 10 18 10
22 Alić (Mujo) Šaćir 1960 1 23 3
23 Alić (Mustafa) Refik 1943 2 10 7
24 Alić (Nurif) Behajija 1952 10 16 12
25 Alić (Nurif) Mesud 1950 10 16 13
26 Alić (Suljo) Mustafa 1949 11 15 27
27 Alić (Šaćir) Mehrudin 1981 1 23 2
28 Alić (Šaćir) Šabo 1925 1 24 4
29 Alić (Zajko) Sado 1970 11 20 21
30 Aliefendić (Džemal) Bahrudin 1976 10 25 16
31 Alihodžić (Smail) Senid 1973 3 32 13
32 Alijašević (Meho) Izet 1940 11 11 37
33 Alispahić (Adil) Behadil 1979 10 22 13
34 Alispahić (Omer) Mujo 1965 3 27 5
35 Atić (Senahid) Sejad 1972 11 17 24
36 Avdić (Ćamil) Zijad 1969 10 21 10
37 Avdić (Daut) Said 1974 1 44 4
38 Avdić (Hamed) Muhamed 1974 6 11 1
39 Avdić (Husejin) Himzo 1941 10 19 1
40 Avdić (Junuz) Hamed 1951 6 10 1
41 Avdić (Junuz) Ramo 1957 6 10 2
42 Avdić (Mehmed) Vahid 1976 7 22 27
43 Avdić (Memiš) Omer 1940 4 12 1
44 Avdić (Mujo) Avdulah 1972 10 24 15
45 Avdić (Selim) Mustafa 1970 4 3 21
46 Bajraktarević (Salko) Alija 1960 10 21 17
47 Bajramović (Atif) Mujo 1969 7 21 32
48 Bašić (Hasan) Hasib 1959 9 6 8
49 Bećirović (Bahrija) Nezir 1948 10 21 12
50 Bećirović (Bajro) Abdulah 1952 7 18 33
51 Bećirović (Bećir) Ibrahim 1951 1 38 6
52 Bećirović (Ibiš) Ahmo 1922 12 17 10
53 Bećirović (Ismet) Sidik 1966 5 38 17
54 Bećirović (Kiram) Seid 1971 1 38 4
55 Beganović (Ahmet) Bajro 1953 12 21 9
56 Begić (Bego) Sabahudin 1972 8 6 17
57 Begić (Emin) Salih 1941 4 17 9
58 Begić (Kadrija) Ejub 1973 8 6 16
59 Begić (Mahmut) Bego 1949 8 6 18
60 Begić (Osman) Mujo 1944 9 14 21
61 Begić (Selman) Hajrudin 1937 4 16 1
62 Begić (Zildžija) Alija 1972 11 19 30
63 Begović (Hašim) Bavludin 1973 10 16 8
64 Begović (Hašim) Kasim 1976 10 16 7
65 Begzadić (Alija) Hajrudin 1954 10 19 10
66 Bekrić (Šaban) Vahid 1974 3 7 7
67 Bektić (Abid) Džemal 1960 11 11 48
68 Bektić (Bekto) Munib 1953 3 4 7
69 Bektić (Džemal) Esad 1958 9 6 6
70 Bektić (Huso) Suad 1967 10 15 10
71 Bektić (Ibrahim) Huso 1938 10 15 11
72 Bektić (Kiram) Kadrija 1974 4 18 4
73 Bektić (Suljo) Bekto 1940 9 5 2
74 Bešić (Mehmedalija) Mevludin 1943 3 28 16
75 Bešlija (Hasan) Hanka 1930 4 18 12
76 Borogovac (Nurdin) Emir 1974 1 81 34
77 Bošnjak (Ohran) Nurija 1968 3 9 11
78 Brgulja (Mehmed) Rešid 1929 4 19 5
79 Budić (Ibro) Ismet 1964 1 84 33
80 Buljubašić (Avdija) Hasan 1938 4 25 21
81 Burić (Meho) Mehmed 1965 4 20 5
82 Čakanović (Ćazim) Hazim 1964 7 17 26
83 Čakanović (Hilmo) Ćazim 1938 7 17 24
84 Čardaković (Hrustem) Behadil 1961 7 31 9
85 Čeliković (Osman) Šaban 1949 5 18 6
86 Ćerimović (Mustafa) Osman 1939 7 20 1
87 Ćerimović (Šaban) Nezir 1936 3 27 17
88 Delić (Alija) Mevludin 1956 9 14 11
89 Delić (Huso) Sejfo 1938 12 15 5
90 Delić (Ibrahim) Ibro 1959 1 15 5
91 Delić (Meho) Sead 1961 10 11 9
92 Delić (Nurko) Senahid 1967 8 10 16
93 Delić (Sado) Haso 1951 11 20 20
94 Delić (Selman) Ramo 1941 1 14 4
95 Delić (Suljo) Mehmed 1950 4 21 21
96 Demirović (Ibro) Ibrahim 1950 10 21 13
97 Dervišević (Huso) Senahid 1965 5 18 16
98 Dervišević (Zaim) Hajrudin 1936 11 22 20
99 Dizdarević (Hakija) Mehmedalija1960 9 7 4
100 Dizdarević (Hedib) Huso 1954 5 30 4
101 Dugonjić (Junuz) Enez 1975 12 15 10
102 Duraković (Bego) Ismet 1944 12 20 12
103 Duraković (Miralem) Mušan 1975 10 12 8
104 Duraković (Miralem) Naser 1971 10 12 7
105 Durić (Hilmo) Mumin 1935 12 20 7
106 Džananović (Šaćir) Nezir 1979 12 24 5
107 Džanić (Bekto) Musred 1955 3 31 15
108 Đogaz (Hamed) Sabahudin 1975 9 4 11
109 Đogaz (Mustafa) Munib 1974 9 3 11
110 Đogaz (Mustafa) Omer 1976 9 3 10
111 Đozić (Alija) Sadik 1955 1 84 7
112 Efendić (Besim) Azem 1938 11 23 16
113 Efendić (Besim) Mehmed 1932 11 23 17
114 Efendić (Husein) Avdo 1967 1 19 3
115 Efendić (Šemso) Ševko 1940 4 22 2
116 Emkić (Ibrahim) Elvedin 1979 10 25 15
117 Fazlić (Omer) Rešid 1931 9 18 1
118 Fejzić (Fadil) Mustafa 1959 12 19 3
119 Fejzić (Nurija) Hasan 1929 2 10 11
120 Fejzić (Šaban) Rijad 1977 11 24 21
121 Gabeljić (Azem) Ćamil 1943 7 22 22
122 Gabeljić (Bajro) Hašim 1950 7 15 29
123 Gabeljić (Hasan) Rasim 1940 5 19 29
124 Gabeljić (Nezir) Alija 1978 9 6 18
125 Gabeljić (Rasim) Mirsad 1966 5 19 28
126 Gabeljić (Sejfo) Omer 1960 3 28 4
127 Garaljević (Enez) Enver 1976 10 20 12
128 Garaljević (Enez) Nevres 1971 10 20 11
129 Garaljević (Ifet) Samir 1974 10 22 12
130 Gerović (Ibro) Hajro 1962 3 7 6
131 Gerović (Nurif) Nurija 1967 4 23 9
132 Gluhić (Mujo) Ibrahim 1932 3 30 13
133 Gobeljić (Bajro) Lutvo 1932 6 2 1
134 Gojčinović (Ahmet) Hamed 1970 4 25 10
135 Gurdić (Mujo) Hazim 1972 6 3 4
136 Gurdić (Mustafa) Junuz 1953 6 12 7
137 Gurdić (Zajim) Elvir 1976 6 14 4
138 Gušić (Sarija) Ibro 1938 5 15 11
139 Hadžibulić (Hašim) Dževad 1974 7 32 6
140 Hadžović (Alija) Azem 1939 10 22 17
141 Hadžović (Nezir) Bahrudin 1977 10 23 16
142 Hadžović (Nezir) Nezmir 1973 10 23 17
143 Hafizović (Mustafa) Ibrahim 1953 7 28 14
144 Hafizović (Mušan) Hasan 1951 12 19 12
145 Hajdarević (Bećir) Šahin 1945 12 18 4
146 Hajdarević (Suljo) Ibrahim 1943 11 16 40
147 Halilović (Adem) Alaga 1931 11 16 26
148 Halilović (Asim) Azmir 1972 4 25 17
149 Halilović (Bajro) Ibro 1972 11 12 49
150 Halilović (Emin) Ramo 1934 4 29 10
151 Halilović (Himzo) Hamed 1969 3 27 26
152 Halilović (Huso) Rifet 1960 10 24 12
153 Halilović (Ibrahim) Muhamed 1972 9 5 7
154 Halilović (Kadrija) Kadmir 1975 1 13 5
155 Halilović (Omer) Memiš 1937 1 83 20
156 Halilović (Ramo) Selim 1953 7 11 15
157 Halilović (Sabrija) Vedhad 1974 9 6 20
158 Halilović (Sado) Salih 1934 5 6 10
159 Halilović (Salih) Bahrudin 1975 5 6 9
160 Hamidović (Selmo) Selim 1956 3 9 7
161 Hamzabegović (Hajrudin) Fehim1970 11 15 40
162 Hamzabegović (Zuhdija) Safet 1968 11 15 36
163 Handžić (Alija) Hirkija 1976 9 8 2
164 Hasanović (Adem) Meho 1937 3 15 28
165 Hasanović (Adil) Nihad 1971 6 8 12
166 Hasanović (Alija) Ahmo 1977 2 10 9
167 Hasanović (Avdo) Ismet 1944 12 17 4
168 Hasanović (Avdo) Nusret 1953 12 16 4
169 Hasanović (Džemal) Fahret 1971 5 40 7
170 Hasanović (Hajro) Salih 1938 3 13 34
171 Hasanović (Hakija) Esad 1970 4 30 2
172 Hasanović (Hasan) Husein 1952 7 27 8
173 Hasanović (Himzo) Nurija 1963 1 82 34
174 Hasanović (Husejin) Senahid 1960 1 80 13
175 Hasanović (Ibrahim) Mehmed 1967 5 40 8
176 Hasanović (Ismet) Ermin 1971 2 8 7
177 Hasanović (Ismet) Jusuf 1976 12 17 5
178 Hasanović (Kadrija) Ismet 1968 9 13 6
179 Hasanović (Mušan) Rifet 1972 8 6 2
180 Hasanović (Ohran) Mevludin 1957 9 14 12
181 Hasanović (Osman) Mustafa 1930 11 20 34
182 Hasanović (Ramo) Kasim 1944 9 13 18
183 Hasanović (Rasim) Džemal 1961 4 32 3
184 Hasanović (Salčin) Osmo 1961 1 80 10
185 Hasanović (Salih) Mujo 1927 12 14 11
186 Hasanović (Sejfo) Hajro 1976 12 18 15
187 Hasanović (Sejfo) Hasib 1975 12 18 16
188 Hasanović (Selim) Bajro 1936 10 26 11
189 Hasanović (Selman) Šaban 1940 11 9 49
190 Hasanović (Šabo) Suljo 1953 3 13 30
191 Hasanović (Zahir) Ibiš 1952 4 33 1
192 Hasanović (Zahir) Ismet 1950 2 9 9
193 Hasić (Ahmo) Sead 1970 2 9 5
194 Hasić (Avdo) Ramo 1949 11 7 35
195 Hasić (Edhem) Munir 1975 12 24 9
196 Hasić (Omer) Jusuf 1950 12 19 13
197 Haskić (Fikret) Ahmo 1975 7 22 40
198 Hirkić (Adem) Suljo 1965 10 22 18
199 Hirkić (Husein) Sabahudin 1975 10 18 11
200 Hirkić (Suljo) Halid 1938 5 11 19
201 Hodžić (Arif) Zulfo 1939 5 15 20
202 Hodžić (Ibro) Mešan 1950 3 26 1
203 Hodžić (Juso) Huso 1965 7 14 33
204 Hodžić (Mujo) Hasan 1957 11 20 33
205 Hodžić (Munib) Sabahudin 1965 1 55 8
206 Hodžić (Salko) Husejin 1933 10 30 11
207 Hodžić (Salko) Sejfo 1958 2 12 13
208 Hodžić (Sejfo) Salko 1928 2 12 15
209 Hrnjić (Salko) Mehmed 1928 5 28 3
210 Hrustanović (Dahmo) Omer 1976 5 27 26
211 Hrustić (Omer) Pašan 1939 7 31 5
212 Hukić (Gajibija) Edhem 1976 5 25 2
213 Hurem (Mustafa) Hajra 1929. 7 25 39
214 Huremović (Hasan) Mirsad 1975 1 79 23
215 Huremović (Hasan) Mustafa 1977 1 79 24
216 Huremović (Mustafa) Ševko 1956 3 29 2
217 Husejinović (Fehim) Ramiz 1977 7 33 2
218 Husejnović (Atif) Feho 1948 3 12 12
219 Husejnović (Hasan) Haso 1960 1 47 7
220 Husejnović (Hašim) Azim 1966 10 29 11
221 Husejnović (Ibro) Dževad 1975 11 15 28
222 Husejnović (Nezir) Aziz 1961 9 15 9
223 Husejnović (Nezir) Mirsad 1968 9 15 10
224 Husejnović (Osman) Nedžad 1973 5 38 7
225 Husejnović (Šaban) Sabit 1954 5 35 7
226 Husić (Hasan) Safet 1969 6 8 10
227 Husić (Husein) Ramo 1953 8 26 6
228 Husić (Mehmed) Mujo 1971 7 26 39
229 Husić (Sado) Behadil 1941 7 21 10
230 Husić (Šaban) Dahmo 1962 12 23 12
231 Husić (Šaćir) Ševal 1968 11 12 38
232 Husić (Vejiz) Seid 1954 5 17 8
233 Ibišević (Omo) Ševko 1945 7 23 4
234 Ibišević (Salko) Rifet 1960 3 20 4
235 Ibrahimović (Atif) Ramo 1927 11 18 26
236 Ibrahimović (Avdo) Salčin 1929 12 25 5
237 Ibrahimović (Bećir) Ramo 1942 11 9 35
238 Ibrahimović (Džemal) Senad 1979 8 4 10
239 Ibrahimović (Omer) Džemail 1964 8 5 16
240 Ibrahimović (Suljo) Muhamed 1937 9 17 8
241 Ibrahimović (Vehbija) Hajdin 1962 11 18 25
242 Ibrić (Mujo) Alija 1947 12 20 6
243 Ibrić (Safet) Almir 1975 9 7 6
244 Imamović (Salih) Safet 1956 5 32 34
245 Imer (Mustafa) Faruk 1950 9 16 6
246 Imširović (Arif) Munib 1970 8 26 10
247 Izmirlić (Ibro) Ismet 1938 12 20 2
248 Jahić (Huso) Mehmed 1935 3 19 26
249 Jahić (Mehmed) Saib 1960 12 22 9
250 Jahić (Osman) Fehim 1958 9 2 7
251 Jakubović (Mujčin) Zikret 1977 5 12 12
252 Jakubović (Mujo) Fikret 1968 5 12 10
253 Jašarević (Huso) Salih 1938 10 15 6
254 Jašarević (Osman) Bajro 1942 5 38 4
255 Jašarević (Salih) Hazim 1969 10 15 5
256 Jugović (Dervo ) Hamed 1942 11 08 48
257 Jugović (Edhem) Sadudin 1969 11 7 46
258 Junuzović (Huso) Šaban 1948 7 24 33
259 Jusupović (Rešid) Teufik 1971 10 20 17
260 Kabilović (Salih) Hamed 1958 5 31 35
261 Kabilović (Zajim) Rešid 1959 1 78 5
262 Kadrić (Hasan) Hamed 1973 11 14 45
263 Kadrić (Ibro )Memiš 1942 12 15 6
264 Kandžetović (Bekto) Behaija 1961 3 6 13
265 Kandžetović (Bekto) Džemal 1971 3 6 12
266 Kapetanović (Meho ) Jusuf 1932 10 19 11
267 Kardašević (Husein) Azmir 1978 8 15 2
268 Karić (Džemal) Edin 1968 12 19 8
269 Karić (Ramo) Džemal 1938 12 19 7
270 Klančević (Halid) Sead 1964 7 10 18
271 Klempić (Sinan) Mulo 1939 2 11 17
272 Klinčević (Omer) Adem 1933 11 12 52
273 Kolarević (Mehmed) Hasib 1939 11 15 28
274 Kovačević (Meho) Osman 1929 3 19 8
275 Kozić (Hasan) Amir 1938 11 8 34
276 Krdžić (Abid) Bajro 1936 3 14 32
277 Krdžić (Aljo) Seid 1961 3 25 7
278 Kremić (Asim) Alaga 1963 1 17 3
279 Kumrić (Mujo) Ibrahim 1931 7 12 27
280 Kurtić (Hakija) Vahid 1954 12 18 14
281 Lemeš (Aljo) Ahmo 1945 10 18 15
282 Lemeš (Bekto) Munib 1953 10 19 15
283 Majstorović (Hasan) Huso 1968 5 17 20
284 Malagić (Hadžo) Ariz 1971 11 15 42
285 Malagić (Ohran) Izudin 1981 11 13 37
286 Malagić (Šaban) Vahidin 1968 3 20 36
287 Malić (Bajro) Hakija 1952 3 21 13
288 Malić (Mujo) Omer 1953 10 17 15
289 Malić (Omer) Enver 1977 10 17 14
290 Malkić (Behajija) Mevludin 1964 3 19 18
291 Mandžić (Juso) Ramo 1941 9 16 2
292 Mandžić (Ramo) Samir 1979 9 16 1
293 Mašić (Osmo) Džemal 1943 1 71 10
294 Mašić (Osmo) Hakija 1936 1 70 10
295 Mehanović (Atif) Smail 1968 12 14 1
296 Mehanović (Šaćir) Rifet 1956 9 16 17
297 Mehić (Hasan) Lutvo 1978 11 14 30
298 Mehić (Husein) Azim 1976 5 33 13
299 Mehić (Ramiz) Rahim 1974 11 14 31
300 Mehmedović (Abdurahman) Sead1954 4 06 6
301 Mehmedović (Adem) Adil 1962 3 23 18
302 Mehmedović (Ahmo) Muhamed 1975 3 22 27
303 Mehmedović (Alija) Rahman 1938 3 24 17
304 Mehmedović (Bećir) Abid 1953 11 9 43
305 Mehmedović (Bećir) Ramiz 1960 11 9 42
306 Mehmedović (Hasan) Omer 1978 7 21 1
307 Mehmedović (Haso) Hariz 1961 11 18 22
308 Mehmedović (Hašim) Dževad 1961 7 25 18
309 Mehmedović (Ibrahim) Lutvo 1966 11 10 36
310 Mehmedović (Mehmed) Salko 1929 10 24 16
311 Mehmedović (Meho) Hakija 1949 1 78 16
312 Mehmedović (Osman) Bešir 1947 1 71 2
313 Mehmedović (Osman) Husejin 1965 5 21 30
314 Mehmedović (Osman) Reuf 1969 5 21 26
315 Mehmedović (Osman) Šaban 1954 11 21 27
316 Mehmedović (Salih) Mušan 1941 8 25 6
317 Mehmedović (Senahid) Senad1978 5 16 11
318 Mekanić ef. (Mustafa) Junuz 1947 12 24 4
319 Memić (Alaga) Uzeir 1938 11 19 21
320 Memić (Huso) Rašid 1952 12 21 10
321 Merajić (Ibrahim) Sabrija 1943 5 25 20
322 Merajić (Ramo) Mulo 1969 3 31 11
323 Mešanović (Avdo) Salih 1920 7 17 22
324 Mešanović (Salih) Hajro 1964 3 24 11
325 Muharemović (Abdulah) Šahbaz1975 12 23 7
326 Muharemović (Hakija) Džemaludin1952 12 16 9
327 Muharemović (Rahman) Ibrahim1941 12 18 8
328 Muhić (Hašim) Šukrija 1936 6 10 5
329 Mujanović (Mujo) Muradif 1957 11 13 34
330 Mujčinović (Mujo) Avdulah 1964 10 20 16
331 Mujić (Alija) Abdulah 1970 11 21 19
332 Mujić (Alija) Halil 1978 12 15 11
333 Mujić (Alija) Hamdija 1973 11 21 20
334 Mujić (Alija) Salčin 1938 12 22 4
335 Mujić (Himzo) Izet 1964 3 14 10
336 Mujić (Kasim) Bego 1936 7 11 30
337 Mujić (Mehmed) Hasan 1961 7 14 36
338 Mujić (Mehmed) Jakub 1968 7 14 34
339 Mujić (Mujo) Bajro 1933 3 25 42
340 Mujić (Mustafa) Mujo 1946 11 12 37
341 Mujić (Ohran) Ibrahim 1955 3 5 9
342 Mujić (Ohran) Osman 1962 3 5 10
343 Mujić (Suljo) Junuz 1955 3 26 12
344 Mujić (Šaban) Redžep 1971 6 11 8
345 Mujić (Ševko) Hajrudin 1960 7 17 33
346 Mujkić (Ramo) Husein 1975 11 6 31
347 Mujkić (Ramo) Veid 1971 11 6 30
348 Mujkić (Redžo) Šaban 1955 11 13 48
349 Mulalić (Hajro) Senad 1966 7 10 17
350 Mulalić (Salih) Hajro 1941 7 10 16
351 Muminović (Adem) Ismet 1948 10 18 16
352 Muminović (Aljo) Mehmedalija 1954 3 25 29
353 Muminović (Fehim) Saudin 1981 1 70 9
354 Muminović (Fehim) Suljo 1979 1 70 8
355 Muminović (Idriz) Hasan 1950 12 17 15
356 Muminović (Mehmedalija) Mensur1977 3 24 29
357 Muminović (Munib) Nedžad 1974 11 10 50
358 Muminović (Šahin) Hamid 1963 3 24 7
359 Murathodžić (Nedžib) Munezir 1940 10 24 8
360 Muratović (Alija) Halil 1937 8 21 3
361 Muratović (Meša) Safet 1958 9 9 5
362 Muratović (Nurif) Ibrahim 1945 1 79 10
363 Mustafić (Adem) Amir 1979 4 19 2
364 Mustafić (Bekir) Jusuf 1956 1 78 8
365 Mustafić (Izet) Nevzet 1974 7 13 4
366 Mustafić (Nurija) Salko 1952 5 20 9
367 Mustafić (Omer) Mensur 1939 7 15 5
368 Mustafić (Osman) Nurija 1961 2 11 2
369 Mustafić (Rešid) Esed 1968 12 17 14
370 Mustafić (Safet) Sejdalija 1946 3 26 31
371 Mustafić (Salkan) Šaban 1942 11 8 45
372 Mustafić (Suljo) Edhem 1940 12 22 3
373 Muškić (Hašim) Šabo 1950 11 13 33
374 Nekić (Daut) Ejub 1954 7 27 38
375 Nuhanović (Abdurahman) Rasim 1966 9 12 6
376 Nuhanović (Abdurahman) Senahid1974 9 12 7
377 Nukić (Alija) Halil 1937 12 23 6
378 Nukić (Asim) Šemsudin 1965 11 11 51
379 Nukić (Hasan) Husejin 1946 12 23 11
380 Nukić (Ikan) Munib 1944 10 23 11
381 Nukić (Ikan) Ramo 1931 10 23 12
382 Nukić (Munib) Šefik 1968 2 7 3
383 Nukić (Rasim) Nermin 1978 1 80 12
384 Nukić (Šaban) Osman 1936 11 11 36
385 Numanović (Rašid) Nedžad 1972 5 27 12
386 Omerović (Abid) Adib 1977 12 16 15
387 Omerović (Alija) Hamdija 1971 10 17 10
388 Omerović (Feho) Fehim 1942 9 2 2
389 Omerović (Ibro) Husein 1978 11 17 34
390 Omerović (Mulo) Osmo 1970 3 20 16
391 Omerović (Mustafa) Said 1970 9 1 4
392 Omerović (Osman) Mahmut 1953 3 20 12
393 Omerović (Ramo) Ćamil 1974 11 23 22
394 Omerović (Selim) Abid 1952 12 16 14
395 Omerović (Suljo) Šaban 1947 7 30 7
396 Ordagić (Ibro) Nermin 1978 10 21 18
397 Orić (Behaija) Vejsil 1978 1 16 4
398 Orić (Šahin) Elvir 1976 12 14 5
399 Osmanović (Abdulah) Sulejman1980 5 40 04
400 Osmanović (Edhem) Edmir 1977 12 21 4
401 Osmanović (Edhem) Elvir 1977 12 21 5
402 Osmanović (Edhem) Ferida 1963. 12 13 2
403 Osmanović (Edhem) Hamdija 1947 3 31 23
404 Osmanović (Habib) Nermin 1971 9 5 14
405 Osmanović (Hasan) Šećo 1933 9 10 11
406 Osmanović (Junuz) Meho 1960 2 8 5
407 Osmanović (Mehmed) Hamed1941 10 18 1
408 Osmanović (Mehmed) Omer 1968 3 33 20
409 Osmanović (Mehmed) Salčin 1974 3 33 21
410 Osmanović (Munib) Ahmedin 1980 5 18 28
411 Osmanović (Mustafa) Elvir 1976 11 8 33
412 Osmanović (Omer) Ramo 1953 5 24 4
413 Osmanović (Osman) Muhibija1935 5 24 1
414 Osmanović (Osman) Safet 1920 3 33 2
415 Osmanović (Ramo) Nermin 1976 5 24 3
416 Osmanović (Safet) Mehmedalija1950 3 31 1
417 Osmanović (Salko) Rahman 1957 5 22 22
418 Osmanović (Sinan) Mehmedalija1953 1 29 1
419 Osmić (Bajro) Zehrudin 1971 11 18 23
420 Palalić (Ibrahim) Jusuf 1946 6 11 5
421 Pašalić (Hadžo) Muharem 1935 6 12 4
422 Pehratović (Bego) Suljo 1934 12 26 1
423 Pehratović (Ibrahim) Bajro 1947 1 54 3
424 Pehratović (Ramo) Juso 1936 1 54 1
425 Pehratović (Suljo) Lutvo 1963 12 26 2
426 Pirgić (Suljo) Smail 1978 11 15 31
427 Purković (Salkan) Nutfet 1949 7 20 40
428 Rahmić (Bekto) Dahmo 1955 7 26 45
429 Rahmić (Fahro) Mirsad 1973 3 32 27
430 Rahmić (Šaban) Islam 1960 5 29 37
431 Ramić (Redžep) Ibrahim 1971 11 19 22
432 Redžić (Imšir) Ramo 1930 12 14 10
433 Rizvanović (Ibrahim) Alija 1944 7 10 24
434 Salčinović (Abdurahman) Murat1959 5 23 23
435 Salić (Esed) Fahrudin 1975 9 11 33
436 Salihović (Avdo) Rifet 1953 7 17 20
437 Salihović (Ibro) Meho 1942 1 63 2
438 Salihović (Ibro) Safet 1945 11 17 27
439 Salihović (Lutvo) Mesud 1929 4 34 2
440 Salihović (Mehmed) Mustafa 1964 5 25 22
441 Salihović (Mujo) Hajrudin 1978 1 50 3
442 Salihović (Mujo) Ramiz 1954 11 16 25
443 Salihović (Murat) Safet 1942 1 77 7
444 Salihović (Ramo) Redžep 1953 5 27 32
445 Salihović (Rifet) Kiram 1972 7 7 21
446 Salihović (Safet) Ibrahim 1968 11 17 25
447 Salihović (Suljo) Senahid 1964 5 26 21
448 Salihović (Šahin) Ibrahim 1946 11 3 27
449 Salihović (Šemso) Mevludin 1953 10 19 16
450 Salkanović (Mustafa) Ibrahim 1936 3 17 8
451 Salkić (Abdulah) Elvis 1977 5 30 28
452 Salkić (Džano) Muhamed 1978 1 22 4
453 Salkić (Ramo) Samir 1972 12 16 10
454 Salkić (Zajko) Zulfo 1966 11 9 38
455 Sejdinović (Ahmo) Mehmedalija1958 5 28 19
456 Sejdinović (Jusuf) Munib 1963 12 18 3
457 Sejdinović (Mehmedalija) Bego1980 5 27 20
458 Sejdinović (Nezir) Mirsad 1973 12 19 2
459 Sejmenović (Alija) Senahid 1976 8 13 5
460 Selimović (Ahmet) Abdulah 1973 1 50 2
461 Selimović (Atif) Ševko 1946 7 11 10
462 Selimović (Hakija) Kadir 1956 2 28 23
463 Selimović (Hasib) Mevludin 1961 9 13 8
464 Selimović (Idriz) Aziz 1963 12 16 6
465 Selimović (Idriz) Munib 1965 12 16 5
466 Selimović (Idriz) Omer 1952 3 34 10
467 Selimović (Mehmed) Alija 1944 10 30 7
468 Selimović (Osman) Durmo 1934 12 22 8
469 Selimović (Osman) Selim 1938 12 20 11
470 Selimović (Ševko) Sabit 1974 7 11 13
471 Selimović (Ševko) Selim 1975 5 22 28
472 Selimović (Uzeir) Asim 1964 1 81 12
473 Sinanović (Dedo) Šaban 1946 7 22 45
474 Sinanović (Jusuf) Salih 1975 1 71 5
475 Sinanović (Ramo) Nurif 1919 5 28 27
476 Sinanović (Ramo) Safet 1927 5 29 27
477 Siručić (Nurija) Abid 1941 7 10 12
478 Siručić (Nurija) Mujo 1943 7 10 11
479 Smajić (Adem) Sejfo 1973 1 33 7
480 Smajić (Bilal) Murat 1973 11 7 31
481 Smajić (Emin) Bajro 1950 5 31 19
482 Smajić (Hamid) Azmir 1977 9 12 24
483 Smajić (Hasan) Haso 1941 9 10 16
484 Smajić (Omer) Jusuf 1938 9 12 23
485 Smajić (Salih) Sejdulah 1949 11 10 39
486 Smajić (Salko) Alija 1943 9 8 18
487 Smajilović (Šaban) Šahman 1932 4 4 12
488 Smajlagić (Bekir) Salih 1968 9 10 6
489 Smajlagić (Salih) Bekir 1936 9 10 7
490 Smajlović (Ahmet) Ševko 1939 7 18 13
491 Smajlović (Edhem) Nedžib 1947 12 18 13
492 Smajlović (Habib) Sabit 1953 12 23 2
493 Smajlović (Mešan) Hašim 1922 11 5 29
494 Smajlović (Ramiz) Samir 1977 11 12 46
495 Smajlović (Rašid) Rešad 1975 8 22 4
496 Smajlović (Šahman) Izet 1956 4 4 13
497 Smajlović (Ševko) Mesud 1962 9 3 15
498 Softić (Mehemed) Mujo 1929 3 29 14
499 Subašić (Fehim) Nermin 1977 11 22 19
500 Subašić (Ibrišim) Ago 1932 11 10 35
501 Sulejmanović (Alaga) Nusret 1959 12 24 10
502 Sulejmanović (Husein) Sejdalija1957 12 25 6
503 Suljaković (Šemso) Izet 1962 4 11 7
504 Suljić (Alija) Kemo 1977 7 20 30
505 Suljić (Bekir) Mujo 1978 5 32 32
506 Suljić (Hamdija) Muharem 1977 11 22 26
507 Suljić (Hamdija) Sulejman 1970 11 22 27
508 Suljić (Husejin) Kemal 1954 7 19 28
509 Suljić (Juso) Omer 1931 7 17 40
510 Suljić (Šaban) Alija 1940 7 10 27
511 Šahinović (Šaban) Adem 1970 12 17 9
512 Šaranović (Šaćir) Ševkija 1943 12 14 6
513 Šečić (Meho) Ismet 1938 10 26 7
514 Šehić (Ejub) Ramiz 1969 10 29 14
515 Šehomerović (Ohran) Omer 1946 11 24 17
516 Šeta (Zulfo) Nesib 1940 2 9 7
517 Špijodić (Himzo) Bego 1967 5 30 8
518 Špiodić (Idriz) Refik 1960 9 14 6
519 Tabaković (Abdulah) Sadik 1975 1 85 25
520 Tabaković (Osman) Ahmo 1939 1 85 7
521 Tabaković (Ramiz) Hazim 1979 5 35 21
522 Tabaković (Suljo) Muhamed 1955 9 16 8
523 Tepić (Abdulah) Faruk 1975 7 19 43
524 Tepić (Mujo) Jusuf 1938 7 19 40
525 Topalić (Ramiz) Asim 1959 10 23 1
526 Tursunović (Mujo) Daut 1945 8 7 12
527 Vejzović (Selim) Bajro 1940 7 31 8
528 Vejzović (Zejnil) Safet 1967 5 36 18
529 Vranjkovina (Ragib) Emin 1938 11 9 34
530 Vranjkovina (Ramiz) Đerziz 1976 7 26 30
531 Zejnilović (Zuhdija) Hidajet 1946 11 13 41
532 Zuhrić (Mehmed) Esad 1973 5 34 18
533 Zukanović (Suljo) Selim 1935 1 74 5
534 Ždero (Hamed) Rašid 1964 9 8 28
Source: Srebrenica Genocide Blog